DA’s new African Nationalism ideology is in direct conflict with the interest of the communities of the Western Cape

Some factual statistics about the DA to consider; The DA has recently changed its ideology to that of African Nationalism from a previously Liberalism ideology.

Discover it for yourself here:

African nationalism is an umbrella term which emerged under European colonial rule during the 19th and 20th centuries and it plays an important role in forcing the process of decolonisation of Africa.

The DA received 4,091,584 votes in the last election of which 1,259,645 votes come from the Western Cape.

This means that by far the DA majority support is based in the Western Cape.
The demographics of the Western Cape consists of 32.8% Black African, and coincidentally the ANC received 32.89% of the vote in the Western Cape.
Then the remaining 68% of the Western Cape demographics consists of coloured and white communities.


What benefit does the ideology of African Nationalism hold for the 68% coloured and white communities of the Western Cape?

Is this ideology not in direct conflict with the interest of the coloured and white communities of the Western Cape?

When did the new DA get the mandate from the majority of their supports to adopt an ideology that is in direct conflict with them?

When was the DA intending to make public this change in their ideology?
Is the DA abusing the funding, support and trust of their Western Cape constituency in order to gain the favour of the majority of South African voter at the expense of the people of the Western Cape?

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A vote for the DA is a vote against yourself! The Cape party offers you peace and prosperity in a country of your own.



How is this possible if their policy on affirmative action, BBBEE sports quotas and land grab is exactly the same than that of the ANC?


This so-called claim to better service delivery is misleading.

The DA control municipalities in wealthier established areas and the ANC are controlling the bottom of the pile municipalities with almost non-existent infrastructure.

Not exactly comparing apples with apples are we?

You cannot claim to give better service delivery if you take over a Municipality such as Stellenbosch that has been in existence and administrated efficiently for over a hundred years, with a good financial standing, with existing employees that was appointed on MERIT before Affirmative action was implemented.

The Western Cape was governed by the ANC for a short while before the DA took over… I can’t remember any complaints about service delivery during that period.

The reason for this is that most of the existing employees then were appointed on merit before Affirmative action was implemented by either the ANC or DA.

You will find no evidence that the DA has in fact improved service delivery in any Western Cape municipality, they simply maintained the existing status quo, and any reasonable organisation can do that.

Thus clearly the DA’s claim to fame is built on another’s government’s legacy.


Fact is they are ineffective opposition.

South Africa has lost approximately R700 BILLION in public money to corruption since the advent of democracy in 1994, do you have any idea what that money could have done for us?

The DA has done nothing to stop this.

Making a big noise and calling for enquiries and exposing a crime after the fact does not mean that you are preventing it.


A vote for the DA is a vote against yourself! The Cape party offers you peace and prosperity in a country of your own.

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Massive increase in the number of Joburgers moving to Cape Town

A new FNB study points to a strengthening in the Western Cape’s ability to attract home buyers from other provinces while retaining its own residents, despite affordability challenges.

Gauteng, meanwhile, faces challenges of its own – holding onto repeat buyers. FNB noted that for the country’s largest formal housing market, the percentage of repeat buyers leaving Gauteng for the Western Cape has skyrocketed from a lowly 0.8% of Gauteng repeat buyers in 2009 to 9.1% by 2016.

The percentage of Gauteng repeat buyers leaving that province for KZN, by comparison, has only risen from 0.6% of total Gauteng repeat buyers to 1.9% by 2016 – and those with the Eastern Cape as a destination from 0.2% to 1% of total Gauteng repeat buyers over the same period.

According to household and property sector strategist at FNB, John Loos, the Western Cape has developed a competitive advantage, which appears reflected in its having the lowest percentage of repeat buyers leaving the province, i.e. 7.6% of total repeat buying in the province, as well as by far the strongest net inward migration rate of repeat buyers from other provinces.

“This should not come as too much of a surprise. The province’s economy is, along with Gauteng, arguably the most developed and diversified into more modern services industries, and had the second fastest average annual economic growth rate from 2011 to 2015, only marginally behind Gauteng.

“In addition, the City of Cape Town and surrounding areas has the benefit of a perceived high quality lifestyle compared to many other of SA’s cities, and it is this combination of good economic opportunity along with lifestyle that appears to be proving to be the winning recipe in attracting both wealth and skills to the province in relatively abundant quantities,” Loos said.
Massive increase in the number of Joburgers moving to Cape Town

The Net Inflow of Repeat Property Buyers to the Western Cape has become nothing short of spectacular, measuring 15.7% of the province’s repeat buying, having accelerated steadily since 2009, and now dwarfing the net migration rates of the other eight provinces, FNB’s report said.

By contrast, Gauteng and KZN find themselves with net outward migrations of repeat buyers for much of the time, while the Eastern Cape had only a very slight net inward migration in 2016, FNB said.

“Net outflows are something that one would think may not bode well for those regions’ future economic growth rates,” Loos added.
Massive increase in the number of Joburgers moving to Cape Town


“The trend should be of concern for Gauteng in the sense that it may battle to maintain its status as the fastest growth economy over the longer term should the net outflow of repeat buyers, along with their skills and purchasing power, continue to deteriorate further,” the property strategist said.

Loos stressed that first time buyer data suggested that Gauteng continues to attract young skilled labour market entrants moving to the region to start their careers.

“In addition, Gauteng’s superior home affordability can boost such a young buyer inward migration,” he said.
Massive increase in the number of Joburgers moving to Cape Town

The Western Cape, on the other hand, while still experiencing something of a golden era, needs to be concerned with finding a solution to deteriorating home affordability, Loos said.

“This provincial economy is a services dominated one, heavily reliant on skills attraction and retention. To sustain this net inflow of repeat home buyers while retaining more financially constrained 1st time home buyers, the region has to find ways to utilize land more effectively to create greater residential affordability, while also finding a solution to rapidly mounting traffic congestion.”

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Charging Helen Zille: Maimane’s Moment of Truth?

Nearly unanimous was the decision to charge Western Cape Premier Helen Zille with bringing the DA into disrepute, deliberately acting in a way that negatively impacts the party and publicly opposing the party’s principles and published policies.

DA leader Mmusi Maimane announced the decision of the party’s federal executive taken earlier after a preliminary probe. A few weeks ago he complained about Zille’s tweets about the positive legacy of colonialism following a visit to Singapore. Faced with an almost immediate public backlash, Zille sort of apologised, but then publicly reiterated those sentiments.

Western Cape Premier Helen Zille remains in her job, but the DA is moving to close down further commentary on her tweets controversy. DA federal executive chairperson James Selfe told Daily Maverick that a letter would be sent to all DA members instructing them not to comment on the matter. Zille has not been banned from using Twitter.

The decision to haul Zille before a disciplinary committee of the federal legal commission sets in process a series of fastidious steps. Zille would still be notified officially of the charges on Sunday, giving five working days’ notice of proceedings. A panel of three of the 30-strong federal legal commission will conduct the disciplinary hearings at which lawyers are allowed to make presentations. If there is an appeal, a panel of five will deal with that.

If Zille is found guilty, the penalties, according to the DA constitution, range from her party membership being terminated or suspended, being suspended from positions and/or having privileges suspended to being admonished, fined a maximum of R50,000 and/or being ordered to do community service.

Given the potential challenges to co-ordinate lawyers’ diaries, there is no set time frame for finalising the disciplinary process. “Hopefully it will get done as soon as possible,” said Maimane.

The disciplinary hearing might be a bitter pill for the politician so closely associated with growing DA voting support in elections since taking over the lead from Tony Leon in 2007. It’s also a tough one for Maimane, who in 2015 was elected overwhelmingly as national leader following Zille’s surprise announcement that she would not stand again. Depending on how the chips fall, those close to her and what she is seen to represent may distance themselves from the party.

“This has not been an easy decision to take… Helen Zille is a former leader of the DA and the Premier of the Western Cape. She has contributed immensely to the growth and success of the DA. In the course of her life, she has consistently fought oppression and discrimination,” said Maimane.

But he also argued that it was his job to grow the party, pursue “our mission towards 2019” for a prosperous South Africa and what he calls the project of non-racialism. “No one individual is bigger than this.”

And that is where the nub lies. Zille’s comments have cast a cloud over the DA as it endeavours to shed allegations that it represents white interests and elites. Instead, such perceptions are reinforced by the comments about colonialism from a high-profile DA member and its highest representative in government, repeated by Zille in last week’s debate on her tweets in the Western Cape legislature.

Western Cape ANC secretary Faiez Jacobs on Sunday said the DA’s failure to suspend Zille pending the disciplinary hearing meant that for black party members “uncertainty remains on where the party stands on racism and on treatment of white and powerful leaders”. Not suspending Zille, according to Jacobs’s statement, meant “she still enjoys the benefits of power without any ensuing shame for her shameless act”.

Even as the DA seeks to shut down the colonialism tweets controversy by asking its members not to comment, the ANC and others may just continue to exploit the saga regardless of the disciplinary steps against Zille.

All this comes at a time Maimane described as an “unprecedented political moment”. A motion of no confidence in President Jacob Zuma in Parliament has been requested by the DA and EFF – National Assembly Speaker Baleka Mbete, who is also ANC national chairperson, on Sunday said consultations would unfold in terms of parliamentary rules – and both are pushing for an urgent scheduling of this constitutional motion, even if Parliament is in recess.

Both the EFF and DA, as well as the United Democratic Movement (UDM), have indicated they are in contact with ANC MPs who may support the opposition. The midnight reshuffle that saw Pravin Gordhan and Mcebisi Jonas sacked as finance and deputy finance minister has sparked anger not only in civil society, from which calls for mobilisation have emerged, but also the ANC and its alliance partner, the South African Communist Party (SACP), which has called on Zuma to resign. In an unprecedented move, ANC Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, Secretary-General Gwede Mantashe and Treasurer Zweli Mkhize have publicly distanced themselves respectively from the reshuffle to bring in new political bosses at the finance portfolio.

“Now more than ever our country must push to remove Jacob Zuma from power,” said Maimane, who talked of a mass movement for a prosperous South Africa, but did not indicate if, and how, his party would relate to calls for mobilisation from elsewhere.

Instead Maimane reiterated that the DA’s march on Friday to the ANC’s Luthuli House headquarters would go ahead, “peacefully”. It was not so when the DA in February 2014 tried to take its “fight for jobs” march to Luthuli House; police stopped the marchers before reaching the ANC head offices because of violence. In May 2012 violence broke out as DA supporters marched to Cosatu House in support of the youth wage subsidy the labour federation opposed.

The planned DA march was dismissed by EFF leader Julius Malema l. But Maimane argued it was appropriate. Zuma had been ANC president before the ANC majority in the National Assembly elected him as the country’s president, and repeatedly defended amid a series of scandals. “I want to give them that option  – choose South Africa,” said the DA leader.

That “Choose South Africa” message is also one Maimane wants ANC MPs to heed. He announced a meeting with other leaders of parties represented in Parliament on Monday “to come together and agree on the way forward in removing Jacob Zuma from office”.

For Maimane, much is at stake as leader of South Africa’s official opposition – regardless of Zille’s fate.

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Britte het rasgevoel na die Kaap gebring

Jan van Riebeeck het klaarblyklik geen rassevooroordeel met hom saamgebring toe hy in 1652 aan die Kaap geland het nie. Dit merk ‘n mens as jy die oudste Afrikaanse families se moederlyn naspeur en agterkom dat die bloed van slawe en politieke bannelinge taamlik vrylik in hierdie families voorkom.

‘n Swart slavin, bekend as Lijsbet (Sanders) van die Kaap, se nageslag het waarskynlik die meeste heldefigure in die Afrikaner se geskiedenis opgelewer, terwyl nog ‘n slavin, Angela van Angola, se nageslag drie staatspresidente opgelewer het.

In die eerste eeu was daar gewoon ‘n tekort aan vroue aan die Kaap, sodat dienaars van die kompanjie noodwendig met slawe en bannelinge omgegaan en getrou het. Die een onverbiddelike eis was dat sulke slawe eers gedoop moes word. Tussen “Christen” en “heiden” was daar ‘n diep kloof, hoewel nie ‘n rasseskeiding nie.

Die historiese ou hooggeregshof-gebou aan die bopunt van Adderleystraat in Kaapstad het begin as die Moederstad se slawelosie – en die jong nedersetting se nie-amptelike bordeel.

Die buite-egtelike kinders van Europeërs is in hul vroeë twintigs van slawerny vrygestel en het so in die huweliksmark beland. Talle slawe en hul afstammelinge was ekonomies suksesvol en het later onder die welgesteldes aan die Kaap getel. So is bloed uit Afrika en veral uit Indië en Oos-Indië mildelik onder Afrikaanse families versprei.

In ag genome die klein bevolking van daardie tyd kan ‘n mens gerieflik aanvaar dat die nageslag van alle stamvaders wat in die eerste 100 tot 150 jaar ná Van Riebeeck die Kaap bereik het, noodwendig die bloed van slawe en bannelinge in hul are sal hê.

Eers toe daar sowat honderd jaar ná Van Riebeeck ‘n sterk gevestigde middestand ontstaan het, het ‘n kleur- en standsensitiwiteit begin ontwikkel.

Volgens Karel Schoeman, in sy boek Cape Lives of the Eighteenth Century, was dit toe ook nie soseer kleur waarop neergesien is nie, maar veral mense se slaweagtergrond. Dit was dus eerder ‘n klassevooroordeel as ‘n rassevooroordeel.

Dit was ook nie net amptenare uit die lae range wat met gekleurdes omgegaan en getrou het nie, maar ook hoë amptenare. Aan die Kaap het die sieketrooster Pieter van Meerhof getrou met die Hottentotvrou Eva (of Krotoa, soos sy haar self genoem het). Sy kon sowel Nederlands as Portugees praat en was een van die amptelike tolke aan die Kaap. Hul dogter, Pieternella, is met Daniël Zaaiman getroud, en het só een van ons Afrikaanse stammoeders geword. Sy is die hoofkarakter van Daleen Matthee se roman Pieternella van die Kaap en Dan Sleigh se Eilande.

Soos die geval van Pieternella van Meerhof duidelik illustreer, sal ‘n mens meesal nie jou gekleurde stammoeders se herkoms raaksien as jy net navorsing doen oor jou voorvaderlyn nie. Die moederlyn is baie belangrik vir ‘n deeglike begrip van ‘n groep se waardes en leefstyl. Vroue dra immers nie net gene aan hul nageslag oor nie, maar bepaal in die meeste gevalle ook die styl en kultuur van ‘n gesin.

Gelukkig is daar deesdae baie vroue wat in genealogie belangstel en ywerig besonderhede oor ons voormoeders naspeur.

Daar is navorsers wat meen die gebruik om seuns van vrygestelde slawe die middelnaam Africanus te gee (dogters Africana), die begin was van die woord Afrikaner. Soos Hendrik Bibault (Biebow/Biebauw) teenoor die gehate landdros Starrenburg van Stellenbosch uitgeroep het: “Ik ben een Africaander.” Waarskynlik bedoelende dat hy nie ‘n hierjy is nie maar ‘n vrygeborene van Afrika en geen “Hollander” nie.

Omdat die VOC ‘n handelsorganisasie was, was hulle nie besonder geïnteresseerd in die koloniste se ekonomiese welvaart nie. Daarom was daar vroeg al ‘n neiging om die Hottentots-Hollandberge oor te steek en ‘n bestaan as veeboere op die grens te maak.

Grensboere het meesal verkies om Khoi-arbeiders te huur eerder as om slawe te koop, want die Khoi het geweet hoe om met vee te werk. In die kompanjie was daar aanvanklik die vrees dat hierdie mense sal verwilder en hul “beskawing” sal verloor. Maar hulle het as “blanke Christene” meerderwaardig gevoel teenoor die “swart heidene” met wie hulle saamgeleef het.

Die neiging van een groep om meerderwaardig te voel teenoor ‘n ander groep is blykbaar universeel. Die woord Khoi-Khoi, waarmee die inheemse inwoners van die Kaap hulself benoem het, beteken “ware mense” en die woord San was hul skeldnaam vir die Boesmans, wat hulle nie as volwaardige mense beskou het nie.

As mens die opmerkings van reisigers en selfs besoekende amptenare lees, is dit duidelik dat baie grensboere eintlik maar in naam Christene was. Mettertyd het die skeiding tussen “Christen” en “heiden” dus verander in “wit meerderwaardigheid” teenoor “swart minderwaardigheid.”

Ná die Britse oorname van die Kaap in 1814 het kleurvooroordeel sterk begin toeneem. Lady Anne Barnard skryf dat mense van kleur, hoe ryk of goed opgevoed ook al, geen hoop het om deel van die toonaangewende klas aan die Kaap te word nie.

In ‘n onderhoud wat ek jare gelede met die bekende Groot Trek-navorser, wyle prof. C.F.J. Muller, gehad het, het hy vertel hoe die Britse houding oor stand en kleur spoedig ‘n uitwerking op die hele samelewing gehad het. So het die bekende Strooidakkerk in die Paarl sy gebruik om in kerkregisters na mense van kleur te verwys as “van die Kaap,” verander na “groot gedoop,” om die kleurelement te verbloem.

Mense in gemengde huwelike het as gevolg van sosiale druk toenemend uit die Boland na die Oosgrens verhuis, en vandaar dikwels ook in een van die Groot Trek se laers beland. Ons weet ook uit Louis Trichardt se dagboek dat sy trek – die heel eerste – ‘n besonder rasgemengde trek was.

Hoewel die kerk aan die Kaap van die volksplanting af geen onderskeid op grond van kleur gemaak het nie, het die Kaapse Sinode in 1857 besluit om “ter wille van die swakheid van sommige” die nagmaal voortaan apart aan gekleurdes in sogenaamde sendingkerke te bedien. Dit het twee dekades later gelei tot die stigting van ‘n aparte NG-Sendingkerk.

Hoewel kleurvooroordeel aan die Kaap verhard het, was daar in die grensgebiede, wat ‘n mens met die Amerikaanse Wilde Weste kan vergelyk, heelwat meer sosiale beweeglikheid. Omring deur óf die Khoi óf die Xhosas, kon mense van kleur makliker deel van die blanke groep word.

Natuurlik ook van die Khoi of Xhosa-gemeenskappe as dit was wat jy verkies het. Só iemand was die Griekwahoof Adam Kok, wat deur die De Bruyns aan die Mullers verwant is.

Hierdie groter kleurverdraagsaamheid het blykbaar tot vroeg in die twintigste eeu voortbestaan, aangesien verskeie Vrystaatse burgers ná die Anglo-Boereoorlog met gekleurde vroue uit St. Helena teruggekeer het.

Mens moet jou afvra of die heftige debat oor bloedvermenging, wat die Nasionale Party se oorwinning in 1948 voorafgegaan het, ooit moontlik sou gewees het as daar nie in die praktyk rassevermenging op taamlike groot skaal plaasgevind het nie?

Toe die NP in die 1950’s wetgewing aanneem wat rassevermenging kriminaliseer en liefde oor die kleurgrens tot die misdaad “ontug” verklaar, het rassevooroordeel noodwendig verhard. Mense en hul gesinne se lewe is verwoes deur strafregtelike ontugsake waarvan die getuienis wat in die hof gelewer is, vandag dikwels lees soos die teks van ‘n surrealistiese drama.

Amptenare, wat waarskynlik self nie besef het hoeveel gekleurde bloed in hul eie are vloei nie, het dekrete uitgevaardig wat bepaal het dat kinders uit een huis op grond van hul velkleur na verskillende skole gestuur moes word. D.J. Opperman het ‘n gedig getiteld “Draaiboek” oor hierdie gevalle geskryf.

Elke stukkie inligting wat mens vandag oor ons gekleurde voormoeders kan uitvind, help ons bevry uit hierdie benepe en benouende rasbeheptheid.

Bloedlyn van slawe en bannelinge

My niggie Anneke Muller van Stellenbosch het haar moederlyn in die families Muller, Diederichs, Prinsloo en Louw nagevors. So het sy ons hele familie aangesteek om die skemer-wêreld van politieke bannelinge en slawe te ondersoek, waaruit later van die belangrikste heldefigure in die Afrikanergeskiedenis gestam het.

‘n Swart slaaf uit Wes-Afrika, Evert van Guinee, en sy vrou Anna het byvoorbeeld diep spore in die Afrikaner se geskiedenis help trap. Hulle was reeds teen 1669 vrygestel en het grond ontvang om op te boer, terwyl etlike van die oorspronklike vryburgers nie daarin kon slaag om ‘n bestaan op die grond te maak nie.

Hulle was die grootmaakouers en dalk regte ouers (hoewel navorsers nog daaroor stry) van Lijsbet (Sanders) van die Kaap, wat waarskynlik die voormoeder was wat die meeste Afrikaanse heldefigure opgelewer het.

Haar dogter, Maria Evert, ook bekend as Swarte Maria, het ‘n verhouding met Bastiaan Colijn en word die voormoeder van die Colijnfamilie. By die bekende vrygestelde – en welgestelde – slaaf Louis van Bengale het Lijsbet later drie kinders, Elizabeth, Anna en Maria Louisz, wat almal rolle in verskeie Afrikaner-families speel.

Lijsbet het verskeie verhoudings gehad, onder meer met Johan Herbst, waaruit Clara Herbst gebore is. Clara kon egter ook die kind van die Engelsman William Tarling (Willem Teerling) wees, aangesien Clara reeds 13 was toe die volgende Herbst-kind gebore is.

Clara trou in 1712 met Johannes Potgieter. Deur Clara en haar drie dogters by Louis van Bengale, lewer Lijsbet se nageslag persoonlikhede op soos die Voortrekkerleier Hendrik Potgieter, generaals Louis Botha en Koos de la Rey, die trekvoël Coenraad Buys, die Voortrekkerverkenner Hans Dons de Lange, wat later deur die Britse bewind in Natal tereg gestel is en selfs die skrywer C.M. van den Heever.

Pres. Paul Kruger van die ZAR het ook haar bloed in sy are, hoewel sy direkte voormoeder Johanna Kemp is. Sy is die dogter van Nicolaas Kemp, wat in ‘n amptelike dokument as “halfslag” beskryf word.

Clara se suster, Gerbrecht Herbst, trou met Johannes Vosloo, wat waarskynlik self die kind van die slavin Constantia was. Uit hierdie huwelik is ‘n dogter, Helena Vosloo, gebore wat met Johannes Pretorius trou. Onder hul nageslag tel die Voortrekkerleier Andries Pretorius en sy seun pres. Marthinus Wessel Pretorius, die stigters van Pretoria.

Van die Pretoriusse af loop Lijsbet se bloedlyn oor die Oosthuizens, Cronjes en De Jagers tot by die Mullers.

Die Nederlanders het die gebruik gehad om politieke verset teen hul koloniale bewind in die Ooste te onderdruk deur die leierskorps en hul gevolg na die Kaap te verban. So het dit gebeur dat twee bannelinge, Amseboe en Anabe van Timor, voorouers van die Mullers geword het. Hulle dogter, Wilhelmina van Mauritius, ook bekend as (H)Ermina Karelse, trou met een van my voorsate, Pieter Christiaan de Jager.

Amseboe se ander dogter, Maria Elizabeth Jooste, is weer ons voormoeder deur die Prinsloo-lyn en onder hul nageslag tel die Prinsloos van die Slagtersnekopstand. So het ons ontdek dat sowel my pa as my ma (‘n nooi Diederichs en nou verwant aan die Prinsloos) die nageslag van Amseboe is.

Die bekende Maria Lozee (“Maria Losie”, omdat sy op ‘n tydstip ‘n toesighouer by die slawelosie was), ‘n dogter van die slavin Angela van Angola, se bloed vloei ook oor die families Steyn, Malan, De Bruyn, Prinsloo tot by die Diederichse.

Maria Lozee word dus die stammoeder van drie staatspresidente: Hermanus Steyn, president van die kortstondige Republiek van Swellendam, pres. M.T. Steyn, die beroemde bittereinderpresident van die Oranje-Vrystaat, en pres. Nicolaas Diederichs van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika.

Nog ‘n politieke banneling speel ‘n rol: Aboel Jonker van Makassar, ‘n vrygestelde slaaf. Jonker was ‘n woord wat die Nederlanders gebruik het om aan te dui dat iemand van adellike afkoms is. Hy was waarskynlik een van die slagoffers toe die Nederlanders die Portugese handelsposte in die Ooste verower het.

Hy was ‘n gesiene onderwyser, koster en boer in Drakenstein. By Rosetta van Java het hy ‘n seun wat trou met Petronella Langeveld, dogter van Cornelia Jacobs van die Kaap. Hulle seun Abdol Jonker, is op veertienjarige leeftyd gedoop met die naam Adolph.

Aboel Jonker se bloed vloei tot by die Diederichse. Hy was terloops ook die eerste Afrikaanse stamvader wie se Oosterse herkoms deur middel van DNS-toetse bevestig is.

Deur:  Piet Muller

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Free from racist ANC destruction in an independent Cape

Our current political system makes South Africa fertile ground for destruction and there is only one way to free yourself from it. An independent Cape offers you a peaceful and prosperous non-racial first world state, free from idiots like the EFF and ANC.

Why do you need an independent Cape, governed by a direct democracy?

Because it’s only with a totally independent Cape that you will be free from the destruction that the Racist ANC has created in Coligny and the rest of SA.

In an independent Cape, With a direct Democracy the current situation in Coligny will never happen.
This situation will not happen in a direct democracy for the following reasons;

Parents will be responsible and able to properly take care of their children, because all local people will be employed by the local government structures such as Hospitals, Courts, Police, Manpower and also local businesses will be able to deal with the local government which will create abundance of employment.

Unlike the current system of BBBEE and AA that gives local employment to outsiders and friends and family of the ANC.
Thus Kids will not go hungry or be exposed to the temptation to do naughty things which will get them into trouble.

Control of the police will be vested in the local community and local police will be persons from the community thus the police will have a vested interests in swiftly resolving what should have been a minor theft charge by swift and effective reaction and investigation on the first complaint instead of showing zero interest and allowing members of the public to arrest and convey alleged perpetrators for them.

In a direct democracy there will be no space for idiotic politicians like the EFF and Mahumapelo, the ANC premier of the North West who uses a tragic and preventable incident to stir up racist’s emotions for their own selfish gain.

In a direct democracy you choose the politician who will represent you, and if he acts like Mahumapelo did, then you simply remove him, unlike the system that you currently have wherein you vote for a party who then chooses the person they think must represent you.
That person’s loyalty will always be to the party who employs him and not with you.

Source:  Cape Party- Weskus Streek

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Klink amper soos ‘n demokrasie of hoe- Would you Vote for an Independent Western Cape?

Middag Vriende/Afternoon Friends

I know many of us are English speaking and normally there are requests to translate whatever may be in Afrikaans. That’s quite a job, so I will try and mix it up and hopefully we will all be good with it.

So sit ek en kyk deur die venster na buite waar die weer lekker bymekaarmaak om bietjie te reën. En ek dink aan hoe lekker dit is om in die Kaap te woon. Ek is natuurlik bevooroordeeld aangesien ek hier gebore is en grootgeword het. Die Weskaap is uniek, of jy nou saamstem of nie.

I often wonder how it must have felt during the days of the Voortrekkers. Men and women who got quite gatvol of being told how they should live their lives and then packed up and left. What guts and determination that must have taken. To cross over mountains with a rickety wagon and be faced with challenges literally every mile along the way. Then to move into unknown territory and face enemies at every corner. To engage in battles with a voorlaaier. For those who are unfamiliar with this weapon – it was a single shot rifle which had to be loaded by pouring gun powder into the barrel and then tamper it down before being able to deliver a single shot. The women and older children helped during these battles and loaded and fought alongside the men. That took guts and the conviction that what you were fighting for was a better life on your own terms. How many of us are willing to be modern day Voortrekkers?

Klink amper soos ‘n demokrasie of hoe? In ‘n demokrasie kan ons mos ons “terme” kies van hoe ons wil leef. Dit mag dalk elders so werk, maar nie in SA nie. Ons hoor elke dag hoe sleg ons is en hoe ons moet om verskoning vra vir omtrent elke liewe ding onder die son. Hoekom aanvaar party van ons dit so gedweë? Hierdie Weskaap is ons land, waar ons mag leef soos ons verkies. Ons is tog geregtig op dit!!

So ons het nou almal van julle op die databasis (hmmm…indien jy nie wil wees nie laat weet tog asb.) en ek gaan nou nie vir die koor preek nie. Wat ek wel wil vra is dat ons almal nou as ‘n dinkskrum begin optree. Ek het nou al na vele politieke partye en organisasies geluister wat die onafhanklikheid van die Weskaap voorstaan. En daar is oral leemtes.

I am listening to what political parties and organizations are saying about independence. And I do not hear a comprehensive plan addressing all aspects. During a recent meeting I compared the current status quo to me knowing I need a car, and you giving me one without explaining how it works. Make no mistake, we seriously and urgently need independence. That we are all convinced of. If you have any doubt just look at how all laws are being corroded and new ones slipped in to make our lives as citizens more and more unbearable. Just look at the crowds we had on the “Zuma must fall” day. We know what the needs are.

Alhoewel ons weet waarheen ons wil gaan, moet ons seker maak ons weet wat om te doen wanneer ons daar kom. Op die oomblik is die Weskaap se onafhanklikheid is emosionele kwessie. Ons moet verder dink as die dag waarop ons onafhanklikheid GAAN kry. En hier is dit nodig dat enige politieke party en/of organisasie nou baie duidelik begin praat oor wat die struktuur moet wees wat in plek gesit gaan word. Ons moet tog nou al seker wees hoe die regeringstelsel gaan lyk. Tipe van wie gaan nou watter ou joppie moet doen. En omdat elke haan op sy eie mishoop sit en kraai is dit dalk nou tyd dat WKAF begin om so ‘n vraelys saam te stel en dit aan elkeen van die rolspelers voor te lê. En daar het ons julle hulp en insette nodig.

With your help and input let’s compile a list of questions, concerns or suggestions which we will submit to each organization that supports and want the independence of the Western Cape. Our voices may and must be heard. At the moment we want the independence of the Western Cape but I feel it is mostly emotion driven. Although this is not a bad thing, we need to sit back, think deep and get the homework done.

So let’s get this into three categories and we need you to fire away without reserve. The more we test the independence model the better the way forward can be negotiated.

1. What are your concerns should the Western Cape become independent?
2. What would you suggest as an independence model (e.g. federation, con-federation, canton system)?
3. In your opinion what are the positives in our favour to become independent?

Ons goeie vriend Hein Marx het ‘n verslag saamgestel oor die onafhanklikheid van die Weskaap. Indien jy dit nog nie onder oë gehad het nie laat my weet dan stuur ek dit aan. Ek dink egter ons kan drie “afdelings” vrae neerpen nl.:

1. Wat is jou kwelpunte sou ons onafhanklikheid verkry?
2. Watter onafhanklikheidsmodel stel jy voor (bv. Federasie, konfederasie, kantonstelsel)?
3. Wat beskou jy as positiewe punte wat in ons guns sal tel vir onafhanklikheid?

Ek sal vrae stel soos:

• Wat is die regeringsmodel vir ‘n onafhanklike Weskaap?
• Hoe gaan jy die interim regering verkies asook die permanente regering na die oorgangsfase?
• Hoe gaan jy dit hanteer indien die res van SA sanksies toepas teen ons?
• Wat doen jy indien alle lugdienste verbied word deur SA om in die Republiek van die Weskaap (RW) te land?
• Hoe verseker jy dat alle bates (bv. Koeberg) kosteloos oorgedra word aan die RW?
• Daar sal georkestreerde onluste wees in die RW. Hoe gaan jy dit en die algemene verdediging van die RW hanteer?
• Hoe sal die RW se geldeenheid funksioneer en sal ons op die ZAR bly?
• Wat sal jou belastingbeleid wees om te verseker groot besighede bly in die RW en om alternatiewelik besighede van elders te trek na die RW.
• Hoe sal jy ongewenste en onwettige immigrante hanteer en die RW se grense beveilig?

Ek dink ek sal hiermee volstaan en sien uit na julle insette en kommentare.

This will suffice for now – it will be great to hear your comments.



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US Study Confirms Politically Forced Transformation and Multiculturalism is Destroying Diversity in Southern Africa

Once again needing to prove the obvious in a toxic politically correct world, research proves we are NOT all the same. According to new research discussed in the journal GENETICS, a publication of the Genetics Society of America, “there is a huge amount of diversity in southern Africa populations. These groups speak differently, look distinct, and have divergent genetic histories. They are NOT homogeneous people, and the historic and prehistoric factors that led to their divergence are still being explored.” despite political agendas of globalisation. 

Brenna Henn, of Stony Brook University in New York, has been studying southern african population genetics for over a decade. She notes that there is a tendency to lump all indigenous southern africans into a single group – often called “Bushmen” – but in fact, the KhoeSan includes many distinct populations. She and her team set out to explore genetic diversity in the area and to better understand the differences between these KhoeSan groups.

Henn points out that there are even more KhoeSan populations that they were not able to sample as sampling in the area is a significant challenge for a number of reasons, including the complex politics of the region in the sensitive post-Apartheid era. Most populations in South Africa and Zimbabwe are no longer encouraged, or even officially acknowledged or allowed to identify as KhoeSan and have been demographically quietly mixed into other populations. Still, their findings add to the body of knowledge surrounding the history of southern African populations – while also complicating them…



By investigating the ancestries of twenty-two KhoeSan groups, including new samples from the Nama and the ≠Khomani, researchers conclude that the genetic clustering of southern African populations is closely tied to the ecogeography of the Kalahari Desert region.

The name KhoeSan refers to several indigenous populations in southern Africa; KhoeSan people speak “click” languages and include both hunter-gatherer groups and pastoralists. They are genetically distinct and strikingly isolated from all other African populations, suggesting they were among the first groups to diverge from the ancestors of all humans. Much scientific interest has focused on the KhoeSan as researchers try to reconstruct this early divergence; however, little genetic material was collected until the past decade. Geography and ecology are key factors that have influenced the genetic makeup of human groups in southern Africa.

A San men from the Kalahari area of central Namibia, explains the uses they give to a grass, in their San language characterized by the use of click consonants.

“For the last twenty years or so, there has been a lot of interest in understanding how genetic patterns are determined by geography in addition to language,” says Henn. The genetic differences between human populations are strongly correlated with their linguistic histories, and both of these factors are also linked with geography. Henn argues that ecology and geography together are likely a better explanation for the genetic differentiation between groups than either linguistic differences or method of subsistence (i.e. hunting/gathering or farming). However, much of the research on southern African populations had previously focused on linguistics and subsistence, with little attention paid to ecogeography.

Henn and her colleagues analyzed genetic information from the KhoeSan. They collected genome-wide data from three south African populations: the Nama, the ≠Khomani San, and the South African Coloured (SAC) group. Their analysis also included samples from 19 other southern African populations. It quickly became apparent that the geography of the Kalahari Desert was closely tied to the population structure that they uncovered. The outer rim of the Kalahari Desert presented a barrier to genetic mixing, while populations that live within the Kalahari basin mixed more freely.

Their findings suggest a more complex history for the KhoeSan populations than originally predicted. Previous work argued for a northern vs. southern divergence pattern among the human groups, but this new work identifies five primary ancestries in the region, which points to a geographically complex set of migration events responsible for the heterogeneity observed in the region.


“There are a lot of threads of information to bring together – linguistics, subsistence, geography, genetics, archaeology. They don’t always reconcile easily,” says Henn.

The challenge continues to fascinate Henn and her colleagues. She established a field site in 2005 and has maintained and expanded it over the years as she continues to research ancestry in the KhoeSan. She emphasizes that it is extremely important for investigators doing research in developing countries to work closely with local collaborators as they try to understand the genetic diversity of the region.

“The first author on this paper, Caitlin Uren, is a South African student. I’m very proud of our collaboration and her excellent work,” says Henn.

Much work remains to be done in understanding and uncovering the factors that contributed to the formation of southern African population structure.

“It’s amazing how much work there is to do” she concluded.







See also: Search san Khoi-San establishes its own chamber of commerce




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Time for #Wexit? (Western Cape) – A year ago Steve Hofmeyr wanted to save RSA, now, (After BRexit) he too wants Cape Independence. What has changed?

When asked a year ago if he supports Cape Independence, Steve said he wants to save the whole country. Now, on the back of BRexit, the singer has casually called for the secession of the Western Cape from the rest of SA. Has the situation gotten so bad or has he woken up?
Afrikaner rights activist Steve Hofmeyr is now suggesting a sort of Brexit of his own, and even casually tweeted that a Wexit, the exit of the Western Cape from South Africa, might be possible.
Hofmeyr tweeted: “Watch for Bexit contagion. Fexit, Nexit, Grexit, Swexit, Itexit and even Gexit. And Wexit (Western Cape!)”. To one of his followers, ulv løgner @ Sinestra_Malum, who responded “@ steve_hofmeyr if Wexit happens I’m there tomorrow.” Hofmeyr added: “Brexit did it. Brits leads the way to self-determination.”
He is far from the first people to call for the secession of the province.
Last year a new group called Cape Federal Alliance was formed calling for a Federal Cape for all its people and to be a homeland for the Afrikaans language. They have gone for the Federal staus as a first step because Independence is illegal in SA.
The constitutional law scholar Pierre de Vos, has said that the no one could secede without a revolution. As the constitution has created a unitary state, he has said that threatening the unity of the country would be treason.
There are some Khoi San liberation groups also calling for independent homelands in the Cape, but the ANC regime gives them even less attention than they do the whites or coloureds.
The Cape Party, a political party that sought to use all constitutional and legal means to bring about independence for the Western Cape, Northern Cape (excluding two districts), six municipalities in the Eastern Cape, and one municipality in the Free State grew out of a Facebook group in 2007 and is led by Jack Miller. In 2009, it had a membership of about 1000 people, according to their Wikipedia entry.
It was on the provincial ballot of the Western Cape in the South African general elections of 2009, where it received 2,552 votes, or 0.13% of the vote. The party complained bitterly that their posters were removed from poles by other parties. They are on the ballot again for local elections.
The party cites various legal provisions and frameworks to support its position that the “Cape Nation” has a right to self-government. These include: the South African constitution, which guarantees the right to self-determination of any community sharing a common cultural and language heritage; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which states that all people have the right to self-determination and to pursue economic, social and cultural development, and that they may freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice.
The covenant also declares that states party to it must promote the realisation of those rights article 1 of the United Nations Charter, various UN General Assembly resolutions dealing with self-determination, sovereignty and independence; chapter 1, article 20 of the Organization of African Unity’s African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which states that all people have an inalienable right to self-determination, and declares that oppressed people have the right to free themselves from domination by any means recognised by the international community. (The Cape Party refers to this document as “African Union: Human and Peoples’ Rights”.)
The Cape Party has said that it will seek to build consensus with the dominant political parties in the Western Cape, such as the Democratic Alliance.

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The Cape Party’s 20 Point Agenda for Local Government in The Cape, Towards Independence:

The Cape Party which is contesting local elections on certain wards in the Cape has issued a 20 point agenda as a election manifesto: 
1. To ensure that every Councillor has a line open & available for all Rate Payers, to pro-actively reach out to, connect with, engage and communicate with ward constituents on a continues basis.

2. To inform all constituents of council matters effectively, efficiently and regularly, to be in touch with the needs of residents and to make appropriate decisions based on the real needs of the people we serve.

3. To ensure that all constituents can access government services and that they get advice and assistance with problems, to resolve all issues without any delay and to answer all correspondence.

4. To make decisions on behalf all constituents in an inclusive, fair, fearless, transparent, accountable, competent, urgent and principled manner, to foster and promote peace, prosperity, law and order in the community through the imaginative use of all available resources.

5. Never to use, take or benefit from any municipal property or assets or tenders to which it does not have a right to and to guard against any other official that may want to do so.

6. To aggressively root out all forms of corruption, incompetence and non-performance without fear or favour.

7. To declare all Local Government services to be Essential Services & criminalise Industrial action, never to re-employ employees of other Local Governments fired for incompetency or unacceptable behaviour.

8. To ensure that all municipal employees are properly qualified, competent and are performing in terms of their employment contracts and that they at all times serve the public with respect, urgency and finality.

9. To give employment preference to local, properly qualified residents based on a non-racial merit system.

10. To create ward Committees of Rate Payers to ensure quality budget expenditure, to ring-fence rates & services income for use in the area it came from and to only cross-subsidise areas under funded, by open ballot and mandate from area cross-subsidising, once surpluses are declared.

11. To affect efficient and fair debt collection and to transfer electricity and water to the community without adding additional fees.

12. To provide all pensioners with special concessions and indemnities on all municipality rates, taxes and services to protect and cherish them at all times.

13. To make use of, protect and support local business based on their quality of service and affordability. Tenders will be awarded in an open non-racial adjudication system.

14. International investors will be pursued in an aggressive manner.

15. To take effective and appropriate steps to prevent fruitless and wasteful expenditure to institute criminal and/or disciplinary steps against any official in the service of the municipality who makes or permits fruitless and wasteful expenditure and to recover from that person liable the wasted expenditure.

16. To enforce a zero tolerance approach towards traffic violations(taxis included) for every misdemeanour committed and to aggressively address the drug trade and drug addiction related problems.

17. To make use of, protect and support local farmers and to protect and support their workers and to give total support, training and opportunities to aspiring farmers regardless of race.

18. To make housing waiting lists available for public scrutiny and to urgently prioritise the Housing of all local constituents.

19. To ensure that everybody regardless of race have the opportunity to earn a living be it through self-employment or ample employment opportunities.

20. To aggressively expand, support and globalise the local tourism industry.

Cape Party

See Also: Hoe sal dit wees as die EFF in die Swartland Munisipaliteit ingestem word? Vra Cape Party



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