Charging Helen Zille: Maimane’s Moment of Truth?

Nearly unanimous was the decision to charge Western Cape Premier Helen Zille with bringing the DA into disrepute, deliberately acting in a way that negatively impacts the party and publicly opposing the party’s principles and published policies.

DA leader Mmusi Maimane announced the decision of the party’s federal executive taken earlier after a preliminary probe. A few weeks ago he complained about Zille’s tweets about the positive legacy of colonialism following a visit to Singapore. Faced with an almost immediate public backlash, Zille sort of apologised, but then publicly reiterated those sentiments.

Western Cape Premier Helen Zille remains in her job, but the DA is moving to close down further commentary on her tweets controversy. DA federal executive chairperson James Selfe told Daily Maverick that a letter would be sent to all DA members instructing them not to comment on the matter. Zille has not been banned from using Twitter.

The decision to haul Zille before a disciplinary committee of the federal legal commission sets in process a series of fastidious steps. Zille would still be notified officially of the charges on Sunday, giving five working days’ notice of proceedings. A panel of three of the 30-strong federal legal commission will conduct the disciplinary hearings at which lawyers are allowed to make presentations. If there is an appeal, a panel of five will deal with that.

If Zille is found guilty, the penalties, according to the DA constitution, range from her party membership being terminated or suspended, being suspended from positions and/or having privileges suspended to being admonished, fined a maximum of R50,000 and/or being ordered to do community service.

Given the potential challenges to co-ordinate lawyers’ diaries, there is no set time frame for finalising the disciplinary process. “Hopefully it will get done as soon as possible,” said Maimane.

The disciplinary hearing might be a bitter pill for the politician so closely associated with growing DA voting support in elections since taking over the lead from Tony Leon in 2007. It’s also a tough one for Maimane, who in 2015 was elected overwhelmingly as national leader following Zille’s surprise announcement that she would not stand again. Depending on how the chips fall, those close to her and what she is seen to represent may distance themselves from the party.

“This has not been an easy decision to take… Helen Zille is a former leader of the DA and the Premier of the Western Cape. She has contributed immensely to the growth and success of the DA. In the course of her life, she has consistently fought oppression and discrimination,” said Maimane.

But he also argued that it was his job to grow the party, pursue “our mission towards 2019” for a prosperous South Africa and what he calls the project of non-racialism. “No one individual is bigger than this.”

And that is where the nub lies. Zille’s comments have cast a cloud over the DA as it endeavours to shed allegations that it represents white interests and elites. Instead, such perceptions are reinforced by the comments about colonialism from a high-profile DA member and its highest representative in government, repeated by Zille in last week’s debate on her tweets in the Western Cape legislature.

Western Cape ANC secretary Faiez Jacobs on Sunday said the DA’s failure to suspend Zille pending the disciplinary hearing meant that for black party members “uncertainty remains on where the party stands on racism and on treatment of white and powerful leaders”. Not suspending Zille, according to Jacobs’s statement, meant “she still enjoys the benefits of power without any ensuing shame for her shameless act”.

Even as the DA seeks to shut down the colonialism tweets controversy by asking its members not to comment, the ANC and others may just continue to exploit the saga regardless of the disciplinary steps against Zille.

All this comes at a time Maimane described as an “unprecedented political moment”. A motion of no confidence in President Jacob Zuma in Parliament has been requested by the DA and EFF – National Assembly Speaker Baleka Mbete, who is also ANC national chairperson, on Sunday said consultations would unfold in terms of parliamentary rules – and both are pushing for an urgent scheduling of this constitutional motion, even if Parliament is in recess.

Both the EFF and DA, as well as the United Democratic Movement (UDM), have indicated they are in contact with ANC MPs who may support the opposition. The midnight reshuffle that saw Pravin Gordhan and Mcebisi Jonas sacked as finance and deputy finance minister has sparked anger not only in civil society, from which calls for mobilisation have emerged, but also the ANC and its alliance partner, the South African Communist Party (SACP), which has called on Zuma to resign. In an unprecedented move, ANC Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, Secretary-General Gwede Mantashe and Treasurer Zweli Mkhize have publicly distanced themselves respectively from the reshuffle to bring in new political bosses at the finance portfolio.

“Now more than ever our country must push to remove Jacob Zuma from power,” said Maimane, who talked of a mass movement for a prosperous South Africa, but did not indicate if, and how, his party would relate to calls for mobilisation from elsewhere.

Instead Maimane reiterated that the DA’s march on Friday to the ANC’s Luthuli House headquarters would go ahead, “peacefully”. It was not so when the DA in February 2014 tried to take its “fight for jobs” march to Luthuli House; police stopped the marchers before reaching the ANC head offices because of violence. In May 2012 violence broke out as DA supporters marched to Cosatu House in support of the youth wage subsidy the labour federation opposed.

The planned DA march was dismissed by EFF leader Julius Malema l. But Maimane argued it was appropriate. Zuma had been ANC president before the ANC majority in the National Assembly elected him as the country’s president, and repeatedly defended amid a series of scandals. “I want to give them that option  – choose South Africa,” said the DA leader.

That “Choose South Africa” message is also one Maimane wants ANC MPs to heed. He announced a meeting with other leaders of parties represented in Parliament on Monday “to come together and agree on the way forward in removing Jacob Zuma from office”.

For Maimane, much is at stake as leader of South Africa’s official opposition – regardless of Zille’s fate.

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Britte het rasgevoel na die Kaap gebring

Jan van Riebeeck het klaarblyklik geen rassevooroordeel met hom saamgebring toe hy in 1652 aan die Kaap geland het nie. Dit merk ‘n mens as jy die oudste Afrikaanse families se moederlyn naspeur en agterkom dat die bloed van slawe en politieke bannelinge taamlik vrylik in hierdie families voorkom.

‘n Swart slavin, bekend as Lijsbet (Sanders) van die Kaap, se nageslag het waarskynlik die meeste heldefigure in die Afrikaner se geskiedenis opgelewer, terwyl nog ‘n slavin, Angela van Angola, se nageslag drie staatspresidente opgelewer het.

In die eerste eeu was daar gewoon ‘n tekort aan vroue aan die Kaap, sodat dienaars van die kompanjie noodwendig met slawe en bannelinge omgegaan en getrou het. Die een onverbiddelike eis was dat sulke slawe eers gedoop moes word. Tussen “Christen” en “heiden” was daar ‘n diep kloof, hoewel nie ‘n rasseskeiding nie.

Die historiese ou hooggeregshof-gebou aan die bopunt van Adderleystraat in Kaapstad het begin as die Moederstad se slawelosie – en die jong nedersetting se nie-amptelike bordeel.

Die buite-egtelike kinders van Europeërs is in hul vroeë twintigs van slawerny vrygestel en het so in die huweliksmark beland. Talle slawe en hul afstammelinge was ekonomies suksesvol en het later onder die welgesteldes aan die Kaap getel. So is bloed uit Afrika en veral uit Indië en Oos-Indië mildelik onder Afrikaanse families versprei.

In ag genome die klein bevolking van daardie tyd kan ‘n mens gerieflik aanvaar dat die nageslag van alle stamvaders wat in die eerste 100 tot 150 jaar ná Van Riebeeck die Kaap bereik het, noodwendig die bloed van slawe en bannelinge in hul are sal hê.

Eers toe daar sowat honderd jaar ná Van Riebeeck ‘n sterk gevestigde middestand ontstaan het, het ‘n kleur- en standsensitiwiteit begin ontwikkel.

Volgens Karel Schoeman, in sy boek Cape Lives of the Eighteenth Century, was dit toe ook nie soseer kleur waarop neergesien is nie, maar veral mense se slaweagtergrond. Dit was dus eerder ‘n klassevooroordeel as ‘n rassevooroordeel.

Dit was ook nie net amptenare uit die lae range wat met gekleurdes omgegaan en getrou het nie, maar ook hoë amptenare. Aan die Kaap het die sieketrooster Pieter van Meerhof getrou met die Hottentotvrou Eva (of Krotoa, soos sy haar self genoem het). Sy kon sowel Nederlands as Portugees praat en was een van die amptelike tolke aan die Kaap. Hul dogter, Pieternella, is met Daniël Zaaiman getroud, en het só een van ons Afrikaanse stammoeders geword. Sy is die hoofkarakter van Daleen Matthee se roman Pieternella van die Kaap en Dan Sleigh se Eilande.

Soos die geval van Pieternella van Meerhof duidelik illustreer, sal ‘n mens meesal nie jou gekleurde stammoeders se herkoms raaksien as jy net navorsing doen oor jou voorvaderlyn nie. Die moederlyn is baie belangrik vir ‘n deeglike begrip van ‘n groep se waardes en leefstyl. Vroue dra immers nie net gene aan hul nageslag oor nie, maar bepaal in die meeste gevalle ook die styl en kultuur van ‘n gesin.

Gelukkig is daar deesdae baie vroue wat in genealogie belangstel en ywerig besonderhede oor ons voormoeders naspeur.

Daar is navorsers wat meen die gebruik om seuns van vrygestelde slawe die middelnaam Africanus te gee (dogters Africana), die begin was van die woord Afrikaner. Soos Hendrik Bibault (Biebow/Biebauw) teenoor die gehate landdros Starrenburg van Stellenbosch uitgeroep het: “Ik ben een Africaander.” Waarskynlik bedoelende dat hy nie ‘n hierjy is nie maar ‘n vrygeborene van Afrika en geen “Hollander” nie.

Omdat die VOC ‘n handelsorganisasie was, was hulle nie besonder geïnteresseerd in die koloniste se ekonomiese welvaart nie. Daarom was daar vroeg al ‘n neiging om die Hottentots-Hollandberge oor te steek en ‘n bestaan as veeboere op die grens te maak.

Grensboere het meesal verkies om Khoi-arbeiders te huur eerder as om slawe te koop, want die Khoi het geweet hoe om met vee te werk. In die kompanjie was daar aanvanklik die vrees dat hierdie mense sal verwilder en hul “beskawing” sal verloor. Maar hulle het as “blanke Christene” meerderwaardig gevoel teenoor die “swart heidene” met wie hulle saamgeleef het.

Die neiging van een groep om meerderwaardig te voel teenoor ‘n ander groep is blykbaar universeel. Die woord Khoi-Khoi, waarmee die inheemse inwoners van die Kaap hulself benoem het, beteken “ware mense” en die woord San was hul skeldnaam vir die Boesmans, wat hulle nie as volwaardige mense beskou het nie.

As mens die opmerkings van reisigers en selfs besoekende amptenare lees, is dit duidelik dat baie grensboere eintlik maar in naam Christene was. Mettertyd het die skeiding tussen “Christen” en “heiden” dus verander in “wit meerderwaardigheid” teenoor “swart minderwaardigheid.”

Ná die Britse oorname van die Kaap in 1814 het kleurvooroordeel sterk begin toeneem. Lady Anne Barnard skryf dat mense van kleur, hoe ryk of goed opgevoed ook al, geen hoop het om deel van die toonaangewende klas aan die Kaap te word nie.

In ‘n onderhoud wat ek jare gelede met die bekende Groot Trek-navorser, wyle prof. C.F.J. Muller, gehad het, het hy vertel hoe die Britse houding oor stand en kleur spoedig ‘n uitwerking op die hele samelewing gehad het. So het die bekende Strooidakkerk in die Paarl sy gebruik om in kerkregisters na mense van kleur te verwys as “van die Kaap,” verander na “groot gedoop,” om die kleurelement te verbloem.

Mense in gemengde huwelike het as gevolg van sosiale druk toenemend uit die Boland na die Oosgrens verhuis, en vandaar dikwels ook in een van die Groot Trek se laers beland. Ons weet ook uit Louis Trichardt se dagboek dat sy trek – die heel eerste – ‘n besonder rasgemengde trek was.

Hoewel die kerk aan die Kaap van die volksplanting af geen onderskeid op grond van kleur gemaak het nie, het die Kaapse Sinode in 1857 besluit om “ter wille van die swakheid van sommige” die nagmaal voortaan apart aan gekleurdes in sogenaamde sendingkerke te bedien. Dit het twee dekades later gelei tot die stigting van ‘n aparte NG-Sendingkerk.

Hoewel kleurvooroordeel aan die Kaap verhard het, was daar in die grensgebiede, wat ‘n mens met die Amerikaanse Wilde Weste kan vergelyk, heelwat meer sosiale beweeglikheid. Omring deur óf die Khoi óf die Xhosas, kon mense van kleur makliker deel van die blanke groep word.

Natuurlik ook van die Khoi of Xhosa-gemeenskappe as dit was wat jy verkies het. Só iemand was die Griekwahoof Adam Kok, wat deur die De Bruyns aan die Mullers verwant is.

Hierdie groter kleurverdraagsaamheid het blykbaar tot vroeg in die twintigste eeu voortbestaan, aangesien verskeie Vrystaatse burgers ná die Anglo-Boereoorlog met gekleurde vroue uit St. Helena teruggekeer het.

Mens moet jou afvra of die heftige debat oor bloedvermenging, wat die Nasionale Party se oorwinning in 1948 voorafgegaan het, ooit moontlik sou gewees het as daar nie in die praktyk rassevermenging op taamlike groot skaal plaasgevind het nie?

Toe die NP in die 1950’s wetgewing aanneem wat rassevermenging kriminaliseer en liefde oor die kleurgrens tot die misdaad “ontug” verklaar, het rassevooroordeel noodwendig verhard. Mense en hul gesinne se lewe is verwoes deur strafregtelike ontugsake waarvan die getuienis wat in die hof gelewer is, vandag dikwels lees soos die teks van ‘n surrealistiese drama.

Amptenare, wat waarskynlik self nie besef het hoeveel gekleurde bloed in hul eie are vloei nie, het dekrete uitgevaardig wat bepaal het dat kinders uit een huis op grond van hul velkleur na verskillende skole gestuur moes word. D.J. Opperman het ‘n gedig getiteld “Draaiboek” oor hierdie gevalle geskryf.

Elke stukkie inligting wat mens vandag oor ons gekleurde voormoeders kan uitvind, help ons bevry uit hierdie benepe en benouende rasbeheptheid.

Bloedlyn van slawe en bannelinge

My niggie Anneke Muller van Stellenbosch het haar moederlyn in die families Muller, Diederichs, Prinsloo en Louw nagevors. So het sy ons hele familie aangesteek om die skemer-wêreld van politieke bannelinge en slawe te ondersoek, waaruit later van die belangrikste heldefigure in die Afrikanergeskiedenis gestam het.

‘n Swart slaaf uit Wes-Afrika, Evert van Guinee, en sy vrou Anna het byvoorbeeld diep spore in die Afrikaner se geskiedenis help trap. Hulle was reeds teen 1669 vrygestel en het grond ontvang om op te boer, terwyl etlike van die oorspronklike vryburgers nie daarin kon slaag om ‘n bestaan op die grond te maak nie.

Hulle was die grootmaakouers en dalk regte ouers (hoewel navorsers nog daaroor stry) van Lijsbet (Sanders) van die Kaap, wat waarskynlik die voormoeder was wat die meeste Afrikaanse heldefigure opgelewer het.

Haar dogter, Maria Evert, ook bekend as Swarte Maria, het ‘n verhouding met Bastiaan Colijn en word die voormoeder van die Colijnfamilie. By die bekende vrygestelde – en welgestelde – slaaf Louis van Bengale het Lijsbet later drie kinders, Elizabeth, Anna en Maria Louisz, wat almal rolle in verskeie Afrikaner-families speel.

Lijsbet het verskeie verhoudings gehad, onder meer met Johan Herbst, waaruit Clara Herbst gebore is. Clara kon egter ook die kind van die Engelsman William Tarling (Willem Teerling) wees, aangesien Clara reeds 13 was toe die volgende Herbst-kind gebore is.

Clara trou in 1712 met Johannes Potgieter. Deur Clara en haar drie dogters by Louis van Bengale, lewer Lijsbet se nageslag persoonlikhede op soos die Voortrekkerleier Hendrik Potgieter, generaals Louis Botha en Koos de la Rey, die trekvoël Coenraad Buys, die Voortrekkerverkenner Hans Dons de Lange, wat later deur die Britse bewind in Natal tereg gestel is en selfs die skrywer C.M. van den Heever.

Pres. Paul Kruger van die ZAR het ook haar bloed in sy are, hoewel sy direkte voormoeder Johanna Kemp is. Sy is die dogter van Nicolaas Kemp, wat in ‘n amptelike dokument as “halfslag” beskryf word.

Clara se suster, Gerbrecht Herbst, trou met Johannes Vosloo, wat waarskynlik self die kind van die slavin Constantia was. Uit hierdie huwelik is ‘n dogter, Helena Vosloo, gebore wat met Johannes Pretorius trou. Onder hul nageslag tel die Voortrekkerleier Andries Pretorius en sy seun pres. Marthinus Wessel Pretorius, die stigters van Pretoria.

Van die Pretoriusse af loop Lijsbet se bloedlyn oor die Oosthuizens, Cronjes en De Jagers tot by die Mullers.

Die Nederlanders het die gebruik gehad om politieke verset teen hul koloniale bewind in die Ooste te onderdruk deur die leierskorps en hul gevolg na die Kaap te verban. So het dit gebeur dat twee bannelinge, Amseboe en Anabe van Timor, voorouers van die Mullers geword het. Hulle dogter, Wilhelmina van Mauritius, ook bekend as (H)Ermina Karelse, trou met een van my voorsate, Pieter Christiaan de Jager.

Amseboe se ander dogter, Maria Elizabeth Jooste, is weer ons voormoeder deur die Prinsloo-lyn en onder hul nageslag tel die Prinsloos van die Slagtersnekopstand. So het ons ontdek dat sowel my pa as my ma (‘n nooi Diederichs en nou verwant aan die Prinsloos) die nageslag van Amseboe is.

Die bekende Maria Lozee (“Maria Losie”, omdat sy op ‘n tydstip ‘n toesighouer by die slawelosie was), ‘n dogter van die slavin Angela van Angola, se bloed vloei ook oor die families Steyn, Malan, De Bruyn, Prinsloo tot by die Diederichse.

Maria Lozee word dus die stammoeder van drie staatspresidente: Hermanus Steyn, president van die kortstondige Republiek van Swellendam, pres. M.T. Steyn, die beroemde bittereinderpresident van die Oranje-Vrystaat, en pres. Nicolaas Diederichs van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika.

Nog ‘n politieke banneling speel ‘n rol: Aboel Jonker van Makassar, ‘n vrygestelde slaaf. Jonker was ‘n woord wat die Nederlanders gebruik het om aan te dui dat iemand van adellike afkoms is. Hy was waarskynlik een van die slagoffers toe die Nederlanders die Portugese handelsposte in die Ooste verower het.

Hy was ‘n gesiene onderwyser, koster en boer in Drakenstein. By Rosetta van Java het hy ‘n seun wat trou met Petronella Langeveld, dogter van Cornelia Jacobs van die Kaap. Hulle seun Abdol Jonker, is op veertienjarige leeftyd gedoop met die naam Adolph.

Aboel Jonker se bloed vloei tot by die Diederichse. Hy was terloops ook die eerste Afrikaanse stamvader wie se Oosterse herkoms deur middel van DNS-toetse bevestig is.

Deur:  Piet Muller

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Free from racist ANC destruction in an independent Cape

Our current political system makes South Africa fertile ground for destruction and there is only one way to free yourself from it. An independent Cape offers you a peaceful and prosperous non-racial first world state, free from idiots like the EFF and ANC.

Why do you need an independent Cape, governed by a direct democracy?

Because it’s only with a totally independent Cape that you will be free from the destruction that the Racist ANC has created in Coligny and the rest of SA.

In an independent Cape, With a direct Democracy the current situation in Coligny will never happen.
This situation will not happen in a direct democracy for the following reasons;

Parents will be responsible and able to properly take care of their children, because all local people will be employed by the local government structures such as Hospitals, Courts, Police, Manpower and also local businesses will be able to deal with the local government which will create abundance of employment.

Unlike the current system of BBBEE and AA that gives local employment to outsiders and friends and family of the ANC.
Thus Kids will not go hungry or be exposed to the temptation to do naughty things which will get them into trouble.

Control of the police will be vested in the local community and local police will be persons from the community thus the police will have a vested interests in swiftly resolving what should have been a minor theft charge by swift and effective reaction and investigation on the first complaint instead of showing zero interest and allowing members of the public to arrest and convey alleged perpetrators for them.

In a direct democracy there will be no space for idiotic politicians like the EFF and Mahumapelo, the ANC premier of the North West who uses a tragic and preventable incident to stir up racist’s emotions for their own selfish gain.

In a direct democracy you choose the politician who will represent you, and if he acts like Mahumapelo did, then you simply remove him, unlike the system that you currently have wherein you vote for a party who then chooses the person they think must represent you.
That person’s loyalty will always be to the party who employs him and not with you.

Source:  Cape Party- Weskus Streek

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Klink amper soos ‘n demokrasie of hoe- Would you Vote for an Independent Western Cape?

Middag Vriende/Afternoon Friends

I know many of us are English speaking and normally there are requests to translate whatever may be in Afrikaans. That’s quite a job, so I will try and mix it up and hopefully we will all be good with it.

So sit ek en kyk deur die venster na buite waar die weer lekker bymekaarmaak om bietjie te reën. En ek dink aan hoe lekker dit is om in die Kaap te woon. Ek is natuurlik bevooroordeeld aangesien ek hier gebore is en grootgeword het. Die Weskaap is uniek, of jy nou saamstem of nie.

I often wonder how it must have felt during the days of the Voortrekkers. Men and women who got quite gatvol of being told how they should live their lives and then packed up and left. What guts and determination that must have taken. To cross over mountains with a rickety wagon and be faced with challenges literally every mile along the way. Then to move into unknown territory and face enemies at every corner. To engage in battles with a voorlaaier. For those who are unfamiliar with this weapon – it was a single shot rifle which had to be loaded by pouring gun powder into the barrel and then tamper it down before being able to deliver a single shot. The women and older children helped during these battles and loaded and fought alongside the men. That took guts and the conviction that what you were fighting for was a better life on your own terms. How many of us are willing to be modern day Voortrekkers?

Klink amper soos ‘n demokrasie of hoe? In ‘n demokrasie kan ons mos ons “terme” kies van hoe ons wil leef. Dit mag dalk elders so werk, maar nie in SA nie. Ons hoor elke dag hoe sleg ons is en hoe ons moet om verskoning vra vir omtrent elke liewe ding onder die son. Hoekom aanvaar party van ons dit so gedweë? Hierdie Weskaap is ons land, waar ons mag leef soos ons verkies. Ons is tog geregtig op dit!!

So ons het nou almal van julle op die databasis (hmmm…indien jy nie wil wees nie laat weet tog asb.) en ek gaan nou nie vir die koor preek nie. Wat ek wel wil vra is dat ons almal nou as ‘n dinkskrum begin optree. Ek het nou al na vele politieke partye en organisasies geluister wat die onafhanklikheid van die Weskaap voorstaan. En daar is oral leemtes.

I am listening to what political parties and organizations are saying about independence. And I do not hear a comprehensive plan addressing all aspects. During a recent meeting I compared the current status quo to me knowing I need a car, and you giving me one without explaining how it works. Make no mistake, we seriously and urgently need independence. That we are all convinced of. If you have any doubt just look at how all laws are being corroded and new ones slipped in to make our lives as citizens more and more unbearable. Just look at the crowds we had on the “Zuma must fall” day. We know what the needs are.

Alhoewel ons weet waarheen ons wil gaan, moet ons seker maak ons weet wat om te doen wanneer ons daar kom. Op die oomblik is die Weskaap se onafhanklikheid is emosionele kwessie. Ons moet verder dink as die dag waarop ons onafhanklikheid GAAN kry. En hier is dit nodig dat enige politieke party en/of organisasie nou baie duidelik begin praat oor wat die struktuur moet wees wat in plek gesit gaan word. Ons moet tog nou al seker wees hoe die regeringstelsel gaan lyk. Tipe van wie gaan nou watter ou joppie moet doen. En omdat elke haan op sy eie mishoop sit en kraai is dit dalk nou tyd dat WKAF begin om so ‘n vraelys saam te stel en dit aan elkeen van die rolspelers voor te lê. En daar het ons julle hulp en insette nodig.

With your help and input let’s compile a list of questions, concerns or suggestions which we will submit to each organization that supports and want the independence of the Western Cape. Our voices may and must be heard. At the moment we want the independence of the Western Cape but I feel it is mostly emotion driven. Although this is not a bad thing, we need to sit back, think deep and get the homework done.

So let’s get this into three categories and we need you to fire away without reserve. The more we test the independence model the better the way forward can be negotiated.

1. What are your concerns should the Western Cape become independent?
2. What would you suggest as an independence model (e.g. federation, con-federation, canton system)?
3. In your opinion what are the positives in our favour to become independent?

Ons goeie vriend Hein Marx het ‘n verslag saamgestel oor die onafhanklikheid van die Weskaap. Indien jy dit nog nie onder oë gehad het nie laat my weet dan stuur ek dit aan. Ek dink egter ons kan drie “afdelings” vrae neerpen nl.:

1. Wat is jou kwelpunte sou ons onafhanklikheid verkry?
2. Watter onafhanklikheidsmodel stel jy voor (bv. Federasie, konfederasie, kantonstelsel)?
3. Wat beskou jy as positiewe punte wat in ons guns sal tel vir onafhanklikheid?

Ek sal vrae stel soos:

• Wat is die regeringsmodel vir ‘n onafhanklike Weskaap?
• Hoe gaan jy die interim regering verkies asook die permanente regering na die oorgangsfase?
• Hoe gaan jy dit hanteer indien die res van SA sanksies toepas teen ons?
• Wat doen jy indien alle lugdienste verbied word deur SA om in die Republiek van die Weskaap (RW) te land?
• Hoe verseker jy dat alle bates (bv. Koeberg) kosteloos oorgedra word aan die RW?
• Daar sal georkestreerde onluste wees in die RW. Hoe gaan jy dit en die algemene verdediging van die RW hanteer?
• Hoe sal die RW se geldeenheid funksioneer en sal ons op die ZAR bly?
• Wat sal jou belastingbeleid wees om te verseker groot besighede bly in die RW en om alternatiewelik besighede van elders te trek na die RW.
• Hoe sal jy ongewenste en onwettige immigrante hanteer en die RW se grense beveilig?

Ek dink ek sal hiermee volstaan en sien uit na julle insette en kommentare.

This will suffice for now – it will be great to hear your comments.



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US Study Confirms Politically Forced Transformation and Multiculturalism is Destroying Diversity in Southern Africa

Once again needing to prove the obvious in a toxic politically correct world, research proves we are NOT all the same. According to new research discussed in the journal GENETICS, a publication of the Genetics Society of America, “there is a huge amount of diversity in southern Africa populations. These groups speak differently, look distinct, and have divergent genetic histories. They are NOT homogeneous people, and the historic and prehistoric factors that led to their divergence are still being explored.” despite political agendas of globalisation. 

Brenna Henn, of Stony Brook University in New York, has been studying southern african population genetics for over a decade. She notes that there is a tendency to lump all indigenous southern africans into a single group – often called “Bushmen” – but in fact, the KhoeSan includes many distinct populations. She and her team set out to explore genetic diversity in the area and to better understand the differences between these KhoeSan groups.

Henn points out that there are even more KhoeSan populations that they were not able to sample as sampling in the area is a significant challenge for a number of reasons, including the complex politics of the region in the sensitive post-Apartheid era. Most populations in South Africa and Zimbabwe are no longer encouraged, or even officially acknowledged or allowed to identify as KhoeSan and have been demographically quietly mixed into other populations. Still, their findings add to the body of knowledge surrounding the history of southern African populations – while also complicating them…



By investigating the ancestries of twenty-two KhoeSan groups, including new samples from the Nama and the ≠Khomani, researchers conclude that the genetic clustering of southern African populations is closely tied to the ecogeography of the Kalahari Desert region.

The name KhoeSan refers to several indigenous populations in southern Africa; KhoeSan people speak “click” languages and include both hunter-gatherer groups and pastoralists. They are genetically distinct and strikingly isolated from all other African populations, suggesting they were among the first groups to diverge from the ancestors of all humans. Much scientific interest has focused on the KhoeSan as researchers try to reconstruct this early divergence; however, little genetic material was collected until the past decade. Geography and ecology are key factors that have influenced the genetic makeup of human groups in southern Africa.

A San men from the Kalahari area of central Namibia, explains the uses they give to a grass, in their San language characterized by the use of click consonants.

“For the last twenty years or so, there has been a lot of interest in understanding how genetic patterns are determined by geography in addition to language,” says Henn. The genetic differences between human populations are strongly correlated with their linguistic histories, and both of these factors are also linked with geography. Henn argues that ecology and geography together are likely a better explanation for the genetic differentiation between groups than either linguistic differences or method of subsistence (i.e. hunting/gathering or farming). However, much of the research on southern African populations had previously focused on linguistics and subsistence, with little attention paid to ecogeography.

Henn and her colleagues analyzed genetic information from the KhoeSan. They collected genome-wide data from three south African populations: the Nama, the ≠Khomani San, and the South African Coloured (SAC) group. Their analysis also included samples from 19 other southern African populations. It quickly became apparent that the geography of the Kalahari Desert was closely tied to the population structure that they uncovered. The outer rim of the Kalahari Desert presented a barrier to genetic mixing, while populations that live within the Kalahari basin mixed more freely.

Their findings suggest a more complex history for the KhoeSan populations than originally predicted. Previous work argued for a northern vs. southern divergence pattern among the human groups, but this new work identifies five primary ancestries in the region, which points to a geographically complex set of migration events responsible for the heterogeneity observed in the region.


“There are a lot of threads of information to bring together – linguistics, subsistence, geography, genetics, archaeology. They don’t always reconcile easily,” says Henn.

The challenge continues to fascinate Henn and her colleagues. She established a field site in 2005 and has maintained and expanded it over the years as she continues to research ancestry in the KhoeSan. She emphasizes that it is extremely important for investigators doing research in developing countries to work closely with local collaborators as they try to understand the genetic diversity of the region.

“The first author on this paper, Caitlin Uren, is a South African student. I’m very proud of our collaboration and her excellent work,” says Henn.

Much work remains to be done in understanding and uncovering the factors that contributed to the formation of southern African population structure.

“It’s amazing how much work there is to do” she concluded.







See also: Search san Khoi-San establishes its own chamber of commerce




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Time for #Wexit? (Western Cape) – A year ago Steve Hofmeyr wanted to save RSA, now, (After BRexit) he too wants Cape Independence. What has changed?

When asked a year ago if he supports Cape Independence, Steve said he wants to save the whole country. Now, on the back of BRexit, the singer has casually called for the secession of the Western Cape from the rest of SA. Has the situation gotten so bad or has he woken up?
Afrikaner rights activist Steve Hofmeyr is now suggesting a sort of Brexit of his own, and even casually tweeted that a Wexit, the exit of the Western Cape from South Africa, might be possible.
Hofmeyr tweeted: “Watch for Bexit contagion. Fexit, Nexit, Grexit, Swexit, Itexit and even Gexit. And Wexit (Western Cape!)”. To one of his followers, ulv løgner @ Sinestra_Malum, who responded “@ steve_hofmeyr if Wexit happens I’m there tomorrow.” Hofmeyr added: “Brexit did it. Brits leads the way to self-determination.”
He is far from the first people to call for the secession of the province.
Last year a new group called Cape Federal Alliance was formed calling for a Federal Cape for all its people and to be a homeland for the Afrikaans language. They have gone for the Federal staus as a first step because Independence is illegal in SA.
The constitutional law scholar Pierre de Vos, has said that the no one could secede without a revolution. As the constitution has created a unitary state, he has said that threatening the unity of the country would be treason.
There are some Khoi San liberation groups also calling for independent homelands in the Cape, but the ANC regime gives them even less attention than they do the whites or coloureds.
The Cape Party, a political party that sought to use all constitutional and legal means to bring about independence for the Western Cape, Northern Cape (excluding two districts), six municipalities in the Eastern Cape, and one municipality in the Free State grew out of a Facebook group in 2007 and is led by Jack Miller. In 2009, it had a membership of about 1000 people, according to their Wikipedia entry.
It was on the provincial ballot of the Western Cape in the South African general elections of 2009, where it received 2,552 votes, or 0.13% of the vote. The party complained bitterly that their posters were removed from poles by other parties. They are on the ballot again for local elections.
The party cites various legal provisions and frameworks to support its position that the “Cape Nation” has a right to self-government. These include: the South African constitution, which guarantees the right to self-determination of any community sharing a common cultural and language heritage; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which states that all people have the right to self-determination and to pursue economic, social and cultural development, and that they may freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice.
The covenant also declares that states party to it must promote the realisation of those rights article 1 of the United Nations Charter, various UN General Assembly resolutions dealing with self-determination, sovereignty and independence; chapter 1, article 20 of the Organization of African Unity’s African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which states that all people have an inalienable right to self-determination, and declares that oppressed people have the right to free themselves from domination by any means recognised by the international community. (The Cape Party refers to this document as “African Union: Human and Peoples’ Rights”.)
The Cape Party has said that it will seek to build consensus with the dominant political parties in the Western Cape, such as the Democratic Alliance.

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The Cape Party’s 20 Point Agenda for Local Government in The Cape, Towards Independence:

The Cape Party which is contesting local elections on certain wards in the Cape has issued a 20 point agenda as a election manifesto: 
1. To ensure that every Councillor has a line open & available for all Rate Payers, to pro-actively reach out to, connect with, engage and communicate with ward constituents on a continues basis.

2. To inform all constituents of council matters effectively, efficiently and regularly, to be in touch with the needs of residents and to make appropriate decisions based on the real needs of the people we serve.

3. To ensure that all constituents can access government services and that they get advice and assistance with problems, to resolve all issues without any delay and to answer all correspondence.

4. To make decisions on behalf all constituents in an inclusive, fair, fearless, transparent, accountable, competent, urgent and principled manner, to foster and promote peace, prosperity, law and order in the community through the imaginative use of all available resources.

5. Never to use, take or benefit from any municipal property or assets or tenders to which it does not have a right to and to guard against any other official that may want to do so.

6. To aggressively root out all forms of corruption, incompetence and non-performance without fear or favour.

7. To declare all Local Government services to be Essential Services & criminalise Industrial action, never to re-employ employees of other Local Governments fired for incompetency or unacceptable behaviour.

8. To ensure that all municipal employees are properly qualified, competent and are performing in terms of their employment contracts and that they at all times serve the public with respect, urgency and finality.

9. To give employment preference to local, properly qualified residents based on a non-racial merit system.

10. To create ward Committees of Rate Payers to ensure quality budget expenditure, to ring-fence rates & services income for use in the area it came from and to only cross-subsidise areas under funded, by open ballot and mandate from area cross-subsidising, once surpluses are declared.

11. To affect efficient and fair debt collection and to transfer electricity and water to the community without adding additional fees.

12. To provide all pensioners with special concessions and indemnities on all municipality rates, taxes and services to protect and cherish them at all times.

13. To make use of, protect and support local business based on their quality of service and affordability. Tenders will be awarded in an open non-racial adjudication system.

14. International investors will be pursued in an aggressive manner.

15. To take effective and appropriate steps to prevent fruitless and wasteful expenditure to institute criminal and/or disciplinary steps against any official in the service of the municipality who makes or permits fruitless and wasteful expenditure and to recover from that person liable the wasted expenditure.

16. To enforce a zero tolerance approach towards traffic violations(taxis included) for every misdemeanour committed and to aggressively address the drug trade and drug addiction related problems.

17. To make use of, protect and support local farmers and to protect and support their workers and to give total support, training and opportunities to aspiring farmers regardless of race.

18. To make housing waiting lists available for public scrutiny and to urgently prioritise the Housing of all local constituents.

19. To ensure that everybody regardless of race have the opportunity to earn a living be it through self-employment or ample employment opportunities.

20. To aggressively expand, support and globalise the local tourism industry.

Cape Party

See Also: Hoe sal dit wees as die EFF in die Swartland Munisipaliteit ingestem word? Vra Cape Party



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Is it really possible for the Cape Republic to be Independent? YES!


Chapter 14 section 235 of the Constitution states as follows.


235. The right of the South African people as a whole to self-determination, as manifested in this Constitution, does not preclude, within the framework of this right, recognition of the notion of the right of self-determination of any community sharing a common cultural and language heritage, within a territorial entity in the Republic or in any other way, determined by national legislation.

FURTHERMORE International law abandons in favour of Secession to self-determination.

There is no prohibition on Secession in South African law neither is there any prohibition on Secession in terms of International law.

In fact there is overwhelming evidence to the contrary, that Secession is legal here in South-Africa and internationally.

State sovereignty and the Constitutional right of Secession had flourished internationally for hundreds of years.


Secession is not only possible, but necessary and its achievement is URGENTLY required before the ANC, EFF and the new DA destroys the Cape along with the rest of South Africa.


Here are a few well known examples of countries that are in the process of Secession from their current government;

Scotland (from the United Kingdom)
Venice (from Italy)
Catalonia (from Spain)
Quebec (from Canada)
Transnistria (from Moldova)
South Island (from New Zealand)
Texas (From the USA)
Cape Republic (from South –Africa)


Australia from United Kingdom
Austria successfully seceded from Nazi Germany on April 27, 1945.
Belgian from the Netherlands
Brazil from Portugal
United States from United Kingdom
Ireland declared independence from United Kingdom in 1916
Eleven former Republics of the Soviet Union are now independent countries.
Texas seceded from Mexico in 1836
Pakistan seceded from India
Finland successfully and peacefully seceded from the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic in 1917

Singapore gained independence as the Republic of Singapore (remaining within the Commonwealth of Nations) on 9 August 1965
Singapore for example has since Secession became a global commerce, finance and transport hub Singapore has significant influence on global affairs relative to its size, it is ranked as Asia’s most influential city and 4th in the world by Forbes.

Facts are that the ANC and EFF with their policies on racism and communism are well on their way to destroying South- Africa and we as normal sane, reasonable, constructive and thinking people cannot reconcile with this.

Facts are that the DA is so blinded in its vain attempt to grip power that it has also became a cheap party built on racism that is willing to do anything for control and it no longer represents the people of the Cape. We as normal sane and reasonable, constructive and thinking people cannot reconcile with this.

Facts are that we are doomed with the DA no matter which way it goes, should they gain National power then they have to alienate the people of the Cape in order to accommodate the rest of the South Africans, If they don’t gain National power they will push even harder for it which means they will get even more cheap for votes and they will sacrifice us even more aggressively in order to win favour with the rest of the South Africans.


Soon with your vote the Cape Republic will accomplish secession peacefully and legitimately from just another failing African country called South Africa to flourish as a first-world capitalist non-racial, free, democratic state operating under the rule of Law with no laws or policies that discriminate against any one of its citizens.



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Hoe sal dit wees as die EFF in die Swartland Munisipaliteit ingestem word? Vra Cape Party

Julius Malema, EFF-leier, het laas Saterdag tydens die bekendstelling van die party se verkiesinsgmanifes die EFF tot ’n paar goed verbind wat ’n blik bied op die EFF en die radikale vegters se planne.
Hy het gese waar die EFF regeer sal alle openbare spasies gedekolonialiseer word.
Dekolonisasie verwys na die afbreek van alles wat werk en van alles wat u ken as n inwoner van die Kaap maak nie saak watter kleur u is nie.
As alles westers dan af gebreek is, WAT dan?
Waarmee vervang die EFF dit dan?
‘n Paar goeie voorbeelde van dekolonisasie in Africa is lande soos Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, Libya, Sudan, Congo, Somalia, Nigeria en Rwanda ek dink die feite hier spreek vir hulle self.
Dekolonisasie het homself al elke keer 100% van die tyd, waar dit plaas gevind het bewys as die verkeerde pad om te stap en het elke keer nog na elende en groter verwoesting en onderdruking gelei as wat enige Suid Afrikaner ken, ja selfs groter as apartheid.
Waarna gaan die EFF dan dekolonialiseer?
Op wattse ander land wat gedekolonialiseer was se voorbeel gaan hulle dan ons land se toekoms dan basseer?
Zimbabwe? Miskien Ethiopia? Of dalk Somalia?
Die EFF se duidelik dat hulle n sosialistiese staat of sosialistiese republiek dan wil inbring.
Wat beteken dit om n sosialistiese staat te wees?
Dit beteken hulle will n kommunistse staat he.
Binne n kommunistse of sosialistiese staat is daar net n enkele party wat in beheer is, en gewoonlik ook net een enkele leier vir sy hele lewe en dalk sy kinders sin ook.
Vandag is daar net nog vyf kommunistiese lande oor in die wêreld die ander het amal geval, nie een van hulle doen baie goed nie.
Nie een van hulle se mense het baie regte nie, North Korea is n goeie voorbeeld van n land onder die kommunistse of sosialistiese staat idee wat die EFF will inbring.
Dit is ook ironies dat die EFF se leier die ideolgie navolg, want dit is heeltemal teenstrydig met sy luukse lewewstyl en liefde vir materialistiese dinge?
Wat ek sien sal gebeur as die EFF in beheer is sal amal soos brandarm skape teen n minimale betalling werk want amal moet dan gelyk wees en niemand behalwe die leier kan ryk wees nie in n kommunistiese land nie .
En dan sal ons net een groot ryk diktator he, terwyl ons amal brandarm is sonder enige regte net soos in Libya, Zimbabwe en in North Korea.
Die EFF se ideologie kan net werk as dit ekonomiese demokrasie en self- bestuur onderdruk.
Wat die EFF se ideologie nie verskaf nie, is persoonlike vryheid.
So as jy EFF stem stem jy teen jou eie persoonlike vryheid en teen jou vryheid van spraak en teen jou reg om ryk te word en teen jou reg om vir jouself te besluit.
Sosialisme per definisie vereis ‘n baie hoë belastingkoers , ten einde sy baie welsyn programme te finansier .
Vir ‘n sosialisme ekonomiese stelsel om te bestaan saam met ‘n politieke demokrasie is onmoontlik .
So as jy EFF stem, stem jy teen politieke demokrasie en vir onderdrukking van ekonomiese demokrasie en self- bestuur.
Die individu se vermoë om te kies is uitgeskakel in ‘n sosialistiese stelsel.
In ‘n sosialistiese stelsel , beheer die regering die ekonomie , die individu en alles anders ook.
Die EFF is die grooste gevaar vir die land en al sy burgers van alle kleure wat ons nog ooit gehad het.
Die EFF belowe onbereikbare goed, dit belowe ongekende geweld dit belowe armoede dit belowe n diktator, dit belowe hongersnood,dit belowe rassehaat, dit belowe waansingheid.
Die EFF belowe onderdruking soos u nog nooit ervaar het nie.
Laat staan die EFF dit gaan ons in die donker gat van hel invat vanwaar daar geen uitkoms is nie.
Aan die ander kan bied die Cape party u ‘n voorspoedige , vrye en onafhanklike land met wette en beleide wat ons burgers nie op hul velkleur , maar op hul morele waardes oordeel ,en hulle op hulle werksetiek en die inhoud van hul karakter behandel.
Die Cape party sal u tradisies, geskiedenis en menswees nie net erken en respekteer nie maar ook help bewaar, opbou en beskerm.
Nog verder wil die EFF wil hê dat wit mense moet in Suid-Afrika bly, het Malema in sy toespraak gesê maar hy se ook;
En waar sal die wit mense en hulle arbieders dan bly en werk?
Kan ons aanneem dan die wit mense hulle plase vir die swart mense sommer net so sonder n burgeroorlog wat die land in skerwe en sonder kos sal los sal oorgee?
As die plase dan nou well oorgevat is, wie gaan ons dan kos gee?
Wie gaan ons dan werk gee?
‘n Klein plot verskaf nie die volk van voedsel nie , net groot kommersiële plase kan dit doen.
Om kos op groot skaal te produseer gebeur nie oornag nie meeste van die boere wat dit doen kan dit doen want hulle het generasies van kennis opgedoen en die implemente en die infrastruktuur , die alles kom nie binne n week bymekaar nie
Dis nie sommer net hier is n stuk grond vir jou nie dan gaan jy ryk word nie.
Boerdery is nie vir enige ou nie en dit is defnitief nie vir sissies nie.
Om grond te he gaan nie jou lewe beter maak nie jy moet dit kan bewerk om dit te bewerk moet jy kennis, geld, odersteuning, arbeiders en moed he.
Om n lewe uit grond te maak moet jy grootskaal boer en dit is feitlik onmoontlik om in vandag se omstandighede so iets uit die grond te kan bereik.
Kom ons ontleed die belofte van grondhervorming so n bietie.
Ons populasie staan vandag op 54,898,694 milljoen mense.
Ons grond oppervlakte is 1,221,037 km2
Van die 1,221,037 km2 kan net 12 % gebruik word vir die produksie van gewasse.
Dit is dus 146 524 km2 wat gebruik kan word.
Hoe gaan jy 146 524 km2 verdeel tussen 54,898,694 milljoen mense?
Dit gee elke person 0.002 km2
100 hectars gaan in 1 km2
0.002km2 is dus 0.2 hectar
0.02 hectar is dus 20 m2
So die EFF belowe u dus 20 m2
Dit is net bietjie verder as wat n goeie atleet kan spring.
Jy kan nie ‘n huis daarop bou nie, miskien ‘n baie klein hokkie.
Jy kan niks winsgewend doen op so ‘n stukkie grond nie.
So n stukkie grond gaan u nie ryk maak nie en dit gaan u ook nie onderhou nie.
Ek weet nie van u nie maar vir my lyk nie nie na n belofte wat nagekom kan word of kan werk nie.
Ek is ook nie seker of die beleid al die witmense se privaat huise ook insluit nie, ek hoop nie so nie want dan weet julle mos wat gaan gebeur.
Die idee sal ons amal laat dood gaan van die honger.
Die idee sal ons land vernietiging want geen boer gaan sy grond verniet in n werkende toestand sommer net wegee nie.
Sal jy jou grond net laat vat of enige iets anders waaraan jy jou hele lewe toegewei het?
Ons by Cape party sal eerder die bestaande boere help om beter te doen om meer kos te produseer en meer werke te skep.
Daar is genoeg wette in plek wat die slegte boer kan straf as hy eimand se arbeids regte oorskry.
Die feit is ons is nie amal boere nie en om
met ons kos vooraad verskawing in te meng is soos om jou kaal hand in n byenes in te steek dit kan net nie goed eindig nie.
Daar is baie ander redelike alternatiewe as om die gevaarlike roete van die EFF te vat.
Die Cape Party sal n program in die lewe roep om voornemende boere te help met opleiding en alle bystand wat nodig is om hulle te laat staan as volwaardige boere wat kan voedseel verskaf aan die mark en ook meer werksgeleenhede kan skep.
Die Cape party gaan ook alle steun aan die bestaande boere gee om sterker te staan om meer voedsel te produseer teen goedkoper pryse en meer werks geleenthede te skep en om hulle arbeiders regverdig en binne die wet te behandel.
Grondhervorming is teen ons Konstitusie en n mens kan nie inmeng met dinge wat werk nie, veral as jou voedselvooraad daarvan afhang nie.
As jy wil boer sal die Cape party dit moontlik maak vir u sonder om van n ander person te steel, of om ons land te verwoes.
Nou se u dalk ek sal DA stem want hulle gaan dit stop.
Voor jy dan besluit om vir die nuwe DA jou stem te gee want hulle sal Grondhervorming teenstaan weet asseblief dat die nuwe DA se partyleier Mmusi Maimane op 7 Maart 2016 gese het dat die nuwe DA sal die grondhervormingsproses in Suid-Afrika bespoedig waar hulle aan bewind kom.
Stem teen hongersnood.
Stem teen armmoede.
Stem teen geweld.
Stem vir Cape Party

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ANC Regime Ontneem Bruinmense van Perlemoen Visregte Om Dit Aan Hul Onerfare Swart Kiesers te Gee

Die departement blyk egter vasbeslote te wees om volstoom met dié proses voort te gaan. Talle bruinmense sal hulle kwotas dus ten gunste van swartmense verloor. Dit volg nadat die departement, ten spyte van AfriForum se eis om die nuwe aansoekproses te staak, die aansoektydperk vir kleinskaalvissers met ’n maand verleng het.

AfriForum het in Desember 2015 die departement van landbou, bosbou en visserye versoek om die onregverdige aansoekproses stop te sit waarvolgens perlemoenkwotas eensydig aan nuwe “kleinskaalvissers” oorgedra gaan word.

Na aanleiding van ʼn skrywe aan die minister van landbou, bosbou en visserye, Senzeni Zokwana, waarin AfriForum namens die vissersgemeenskap spesifieke eise aan die departement gerig het, en die departement  10 dae gegun is om op die eise te reageer, het Siphokazi  Ndudane, adjunkdirekteurgeneraal van visseryebestuur, op 24 Desember 2015 ’n brief aan Thomas van Dalen, AfriForum se provinsiale koördineerder vir die Wes-Kaap, gerig. Ndudane noem in haar brief dat die minister nie beskikbaar is nie en dat sy nie tans in ’n posisie is om dié eise te bespreek nie. Ndudane het ook namens die departement onderneem om op die laatste teen 15 Januarie 2016 op AfriForum se eise aan die minister te reageer.

“Die departement het, ná verval van die gestelde sperdatum, verskeie e-posse en telefoonoproepe van my geïgnoreer. Aanvanklik is dit deur administratiewe persone aan my oorgedra dat me. Ndudane in Zanzibar is, waarna ek van bakboord na stuurboord gestuur is,” het Van Dalen gesê.

Van Dalen noem ook dat geen senior staatsamptenaar ooit beskikbaar is om met hom te kommunikeer nie en hoewel hy al verskeie boodskappe gelaat het, niemand hom tot op hede teruggeskakel het nie.

Ná gesprekvoering met verskeie rolspelers in die perlemoenindustrie, het dit aan die lig gekom dat die departement reeds deur twee senior advokate geadviseer is oor die korrekte prosedure om die industrie te reguleer, wat uiteraard op dowe ore geval het. Daar is wydverspreide ontevredenheid oor die wyse waarop die departement die aansoekproses bestuur, maar niemand wil optree nie uit vrees vir viktimisasie asook om nie SEB-vennote te ontstel nie. Tydens die 2013-aansoekproses is verskeie kwotahouers van hulle regte ontneem. Die saak word tans in die hof beveg, maar geen van die kwotahouers wat van hulle regte ontneem is, het hulle regte teruggekry nie. Daar is wel toestemming aan hulle verleen om hulle regte uit te oefen, hoewel geen waarborge aan hulle gegee is dat hulle lisensies wel toegeken sal word nie.

Die huidige perlemoenkwotas is reeds te klein om ʼn leefbare inkomste te verdien (229 kg – 334 kg). Volgens die aansoekproses kan die departement letterlik ná die sluiting daarvan op 11 Februarie 2016, onmiddellik kwotas toeken, sonder om eers na die huidige aansoeke te kyk. Daar is tans nagenoeg 300 vissersgemeenskappe langs die kus, met ʼn addisionele 10 000 kleinskaalvissers wat ook om kwotas aansoek doen.

Hierdie kleinskaalvissers, waarvan talle oor geen ervaring beskik nie, gaan kwotas ontvang ten koste van vissersgemeenskappe wat al jare lank ʼn inkomste uit die see verdien. Die departement het dit duidelik gestel dat hulle van plan is om die kwotas aan diesulkes toe te staan, en dat die bestaande kwotahouers dan die nuwe vissers moet oplei, en heel moontlik vir nuutgestigte koöperasies sal moet werk.

“Die wyse waarop die departement hierdie aansoekproses bestuur, is ʼn bewys dat hulle geensins van plan is om die bestaande kwotahouers in ag te neem met die toekenning van kwotas nie,” het Van Dalen bygevoeg.

Bogenoemde blyk niks minder as ʼn verkiesingsfoefie van die regering te wees om stemme te werf nie.

Mariska Batt



See Also: Transformation, government puppets and cronies destroying traditional fishing, something even Apartheid never did.



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